The fire that destroyed the Moria refugee camp on Lesvos could also mean that the end of Europe is looking the other way. The facts are known, politically they look like this: 13,000 people, more than four times as many as Moria could actually receive, are now homeless, the European scandal of a hugely overcrowded camp on the outskirts, but within the borders of Europe, yet come once pointed out.
The women, men and children, some of whom have had to stay there for years, now sleep on asphalt and are even more at risk of forgetting essentials such as food, clothing, health care and weather protection. Nevertheless, only a good third of European countries, ten out of 27, are willing to accept people from there and get out of their misery.
The total number of their pledges – just 400 children and young people, while 13,000 people of all ages needed immediate help – is so drastically small compared to the problem that those who defend this number and who have decided to do so are even more so. in need of discussion than before. .
In the past they had this not only because of the camps on the Aegean islands, but also because of their blockade of the NGO rescue at sea and the towing of the landing of even a few dozen of their protégés in European ports. In the summer, Seehofer’s no to voluntary state acceptance was added.
Alliance of willing municipalities and districts is growing
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At the same time, political pressure is increasing: the alliance of municipalities and districts that are willing to accept grows, regardless of the political colors of the mayors.
Berlin Senator Andreas Geisel (SPD) of the Interior on Saturday called for a crisis summit of the federal, state and local governments. The possibility of including refugees from Greece in numbers needs to be clarified at all levels, he told Tagesspiegel.
Vice Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD) also called for the acceptance of more refugees from the burned down Greek refugee camp. Regarding the admission of about 400 unaccompanied minors so far promised by Germany and other European countries, Scholz said in Berlin on Saturday: “That must be more.” Germany must also indicate that it is ready for this.
The federal states offered about 2000 places at the conference of the ministers of the interior. Minister Seehofer hesitated for a long time in writing to Berlin and Thuringia to say no to their state admission programs – apparently knowing that this would not make a good impression given the photos of the Greek islands. Even then it was only a few hundred people.
The Christian Democrat, Prime Minister of North Rhine-Westphalia, Armin Laschet, spared the union friend another no in his own political family. The Düsseldorf state government did not decide on a state program, but announced weeks ago that it considered the situation in Greece to be untenable.
Open row in the union camp
Laschet visited Moria. What he avoided at the time, the open quarrel in the Union camp, started Friday 16 members of the Bundestag of the CDU and CSU: in an open letter they demand the admission of at least 5,000 people from Moria, who should help Germany. “if necessary only”.
Some residents have returned to the burned-down Moria camp. Photo: AFP
And Laschet, candidate for the presidency of the CDU and possible successor to the Chancellor, has added: not only did he offer to house more than twice as many Europeans in North Rhine-Westphalia after the fire: a thousand people. In Tagesspiegel he made a clear distinction between pan-European refugee policy and the necessary emergency aid now – a clear statement against Seehofer, who always emphasizes the priority of European solutions. Which, as not only the minister knows, will not come.
The reformulation of the European asylum and migration policy, which has long been approved by the Commission and the EU Parliament, has been stuck in the Council for years, ie at the level of national governments. Even the division of a few castaways into a small circle – see the Malta meeting in the fall of 2019 – failed or crippled.
Seehofer must be accused of “unchristian” line
The obvious impossibility of the officially propagated solutions, plus a drastic imbalance between problem and aid promises, the resulting public image of those involved, significant headwinds, even from their own political camp: Seehofer and Europe’s other defenders of a fundamental no to comprehensive emergency aid could therefore be self-serving and have good reasons for changing direction.
The minister had to find out in his native Bavaria that his ‘unchristian’ line (left-wing faction leader Bartsch on Friday in the Bundestag) was poorly received by the Christian social base and that the CSU state party had the worst result since 1950.
Migrants protest on Lesvos Photo: AFP
But it is not that simple, the coalition of the unwilling is in a classic dilemma. When she releases the views threatened from many quarters, she must be asked whether everything is no longer true, which she has been representing for years, yes in German asylum policy for decades: this admission only leads to further migration – which is what the investigation into the causes of migration as the research has refuted migration highlights.
Whether that migration can really be effectively controlled, that one can distinguish between desirable and other refugees or migrants, that the willingness to accept of society is jeopardized if one does not check according to fixed criteria.
In this way, parts of established politics, not only in the conservative camp, have created stories that can now be presented to them, but at least not that easy to remove. The problem for the Federal Secretary of the Interior and like-minded people is precise: doing the obvious and (also politically tactical) sensible thing to do could pay with a huge loss of credibility. (with AFP)